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Vivas, Santiago. A partir de ambos nuestros pensamientos y sentimientos. Ya sea que se hable. Grupo desorganizado: Cada cual asume roles independientes el uno del otro.

September | | dorset chiapas solidarity

It is useless to delve into the texts of Lenin in search of the keys to these results. It is often and deliberately forgotten that the arbitrary actions of the Bolshevik Revolution, in its ascendant stage — end of the twenties 1 were fewer and much less serious than those of the bourgeois revolutions so glorified until recently.

Today, the masters of the world and their willing or unconscious satellites find it convenient to not glorify any revolution. Isaac Deutscher recognizes this condition in the first half of the Twenties, although he nuances his conclusion denouncing the manipulative intention of anti-Soviet historiography to counterpose that idyllic time to the bloody decade of the Thirties.

Leon Trotsky creatively applies the notion of the dialectical relationship between oppressed and oppressor to the relationship of the Soviet bureaucracy with the entire population in the Thirties. One can coincide with both but, at the same time, the facts, the documents and the press — — even the Western media— confirm that the feeling of well-being and stability was present in important and broad sectors of Soviet society until the beginning of the war in , though since the mids that feeling was contradictorily combined with fear.

It happened that arbitrariness gave way to crime. These trials allowed Stalin to liquidate the cream of the leaders of the revolution and the Party. In that perfidious manner, Stalin made sure that his adversaries could not claim the halos of martyrs. Trotsky and Deutscher claim that Stalin did not feel safe, despite his absolute power. The dynamics of their explanation leads one to suppose that, successively, the Class replaced the People, the Party replaced the Class, the Fraction replaced the Party, and the Leader the Fraction, and — I infer from my readings—that this did not grant security, since there were always real or potential adversaries in the transit from one substitution to another.

In my perception, such substitutions did not happen one after the other, but took place concomitantly and, many times following the logic of any revolution.

An essential question is that the Bolsheviks — Stalin first and foremost because he had been victorious in the struggle for power — had not solved the question of democracy.

However, they had not been able, despite their long debates on the matter and the just remonstrance of Rosa Luxemburg, to articulate an alternative which could be recognized and verified at the same time. Had they been taken seriously — some of them were very concrete proposals — after the working class would have had a much more important role in the country and as a counterpart to the increasingly bureaucratic party than what it had at the triumph of the revolution.

Incidentally, it did have it in the propaganda, but the facts proved otherwise. Stalin knew all that. And this was not only because, as Lenin foresaw, the czarist bureaucratic tradition had permeated the Soviet institution; but because that institution was still not the definitive democratic institution.

Today they want to make us believe that it had stopped being so. But Stalin needed a triumph. He needed to consecrate politically the advances in the economy and the distribution of income.

As a consummate Machiavelli, he needed to consecrate the construction of socialism —with very little respect for the ideals of Marx and Lenin, because socialism presupposes the highest levels of collective well-being and political democracy. In order to prevent cataclysms, he decided to consecrate the existing soviets. He consulted, yes, consulted, and there was general agreement: Bukharin established the dogma of the stabilization of capitalism by exaggerating existing trends which —in fact— pointed at the clear perception the bourgeoisie had of the existence of an alternative to its domination.

In that way, he anticipated the international social democracy by several years. The Communist International was quite often an instrument of the Soviet state policy. The lines that the member parties followed were the result of theoretical elaborations that were hindered by the perspective of the practice of socialist construction in the USSR, or the mechanical transfer of the Bolshevik experience to the assessment of other social processes.

This produced erroneous conclusions and confusing orientations— devoid of any contact with reality. The Thirties saw the International move from the proclamation of the stability of capitalism to the policy of class against class, which gave not the slightest room for alliances with other progressive forces or the recognition of other social actors 3.

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