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The result of this practice was probably a lower chance of promotion within the Corps, but this was compensated by a higher tendency to harmonize the service in the Army with private practice or with the participation in civil public health or welfare. The higher tendency of Catalans to develop activities outside the Army ended up with some frequency in complete separation.
However, during the Elizabethan period there were certain paramilitary or pseudo-military organizations which made "appealing" to a number of Catalan doctors to engage with the Army, or at least avoided their complete dissociation from it.
In general, these irregular forces were assisted by military doctors as such or by 'assistant', 'temporary' or 'honorary' doctors, who either were civil doctors or military doctors away from the active service or even retired. Apart from Manuel Codorniu's exceptional case, Catalan doctors did not reach positions of higher responsibility in the Army health system during this period.
In peninsular Catalonia, for instance, Barcelona's military hospital became the vehicle to reach the Sub-inspection of the district, which might be regarded as a kind of "Catalan General Direction". For example, Pere Carreras i Pujol served at the Hospital of Barcelona since and was its director at least between and figure 3 9. His long stay in the biggest hospital of the Principality must have turned him into a kind of unofficial Chief of military public health in Catalonia against the periodic changes in the Sub-inspection, which for a long time was run by a number of non-Catalan doctors.
In overseas territories, similar events could have happened, though we lack precise data. The particular involvement of Catalonia in the Elizabethan Army helps to explain two short military expeditions launched during the 's, whose medical direction was assumed by Catalan doctors.
Saint Thomas was in practice a "captive market" of Puerto Rico and the restoration of order was in benefit of Catalan commercial interests.
An expeditionary force left from Barcelona with some 10, men, many of whom were Catalans, and whose medical directors were Pere Carreras i Pujol and Joan Faura i Canals, at the time director of Tortosa's military Hospital Tarragona.
The expedition acted mainly in the territory of the reign of Naples and, given either the historical connection of the area with Catalonia, or the Catholic aims of the mission, it must have found significant support in conservative Catalonia.
In short, all these facts show that during the Elizabethan period especially in its last decades a "differentiated" participation of Catalonia in the Spanish military public health was achieved, which at the same time contributed to its general stability. During the First Carlist War, the Army health system had to confront the very serious problem of the alternative medical organisation set up by the forces of the pretender Don Carlos.
The new "sanitary model" of Army public health suffered the risk to die before being born. Meanwhile, in Catalonia, the gap between liberal and traditionalist sectors avoided, during that same conflict, any attempt of defining a particular Catalan position within Spain or of changing Spain to get that position.
Through the development of the last decades, mainly the "Catalanisation" of the Principality and the creation of the 'Cuban space', a relatively stable Spanish Army public health was achieved although its organisational and scientific level was frequently considered insufficient and a certain degree of autonomy was obtained for Catalans within it although certain sectors claimed for more. The open colony: Creole, coolies and black practitioners and military public health in Cuba As the two previous sections have shown, the "Cuban space" was essential for the Spanish Army health system, as it provided a decisive component for the creation of the trans-imperial circulation of peninsular military doctors and of the particular circulation of Catalans.
On the contrary, it is obvious that Cuban doctors were paradoxically excluded from that space, even though around the middle of the 19th century it was certainly difficult to define what a "Cuban doctor", or what "Cubanity" in general, was Moreno Fraginals, This fact points out directly to the insufficient or weak imperial articulation of the Spanish Army health system and it is essential for its understanding.
In a "typical" modern colonial empire, trans-imperialness must be a phenomenon with a set of very particular features. For instance, the metropolis has to act as unified, unique supplier of personnel for the colonies. This means that the circulation has to be organised through common institutional ways and with uniform criteria, not existing other parallel circuits towards the colonies from other metropolis.
Besides, the number of this personnel has to be relatively modest; its circulation, characterized by long-term stays; the freedom of action with regard to metropolitan policies, significant. A trans-imperial connection with such stability is reflected in a closed, homogeneous metropolitan space, in the subordination of inner local sub-state structures and of the capacity of expansion towards neighbour societies.
In the case of Spanish Army public health, the circulation of doctors towards Cuba and Puerto Rico was not unified, since Catalan military doctors set their particular itinerary and, as it will be seen later, there were other areas such as the Basque Provinces which contributed well below their possibilities. Besides, that circulation was not unique, since, for instance, a network of Cuban Creole doctors was established between Cuba and several European countries, USA and Venezuela.
Due to existing circumstances on the island, many Creole doctors decided to study in Paris, London or New York, or travelled there in order to know the new scientific doctrines and techniques.
Therefore, in many ways, their level was higher than the Spaniards' and some of them got international prestige in their specialties Massons, ; Moreno Fraginals, ; Delgado a. Instead of working for the Army, Cuban doctors had private cabinets or clinics and a number of them finally settled down in foreign countries because of professional reasons or because they were constrained to go into exile by the Spanish Cuban authorities. In both cases, these doctors often joined "annexionist" circles or returned to Cuba in several different moments in order to take part in the revolts against the Spanish rule.
Of a different kind was the circulation of Chinese doctors, connected to the arrival to the island of over , Chinese indentured workers from China and the Philippines known as coolies and of several thousands of Chinese emigrants previously established in California Delgado, The official authorities, including those of military public health, systematically ignored these doctors, although the level of Chinese medicine made also difficult its mere assimilation.
Finally, the constant introduction of black slaves on the island, though slowed down from the 's, meant a transatlantic connection, which included healers of different African societies, who occupied an extremely marginalised position.
Paradoxically, these two circuits were tolerated by Spanish authorities. No doubt, the aim was to create a radically opposed element to the Europeanised Creole doctors, in order to avoid the possibility of an independent Cuban health system.
The imperfect unity of the circulation of Spanish military doctors, along with the parallel networks out of the authorities' control, affected the stability of the trans-imperial connection. Thus, the number of peninsular military doctors sent to Cuba and Puerto Rico was "excessively" high. The rhythm of circulation was relatively quick, provided that the compulsory stay established by law was of only six years. In Cuba, for instance, there were at least three district Sub-inspectors between and although in the Army in general it was worse, since there were eight General Captains in the same period Regarding freedom of action, it was cut down, since the framework of the development of Army public health closely followed the peninsular legislation and institutions.
As a result of such instability, Spain was unable to set up in Cuba a colonial army public health system in the way that other European powers did in some of their colonial territories. In the first place, the "public health space" of the island lacked both homogeneity and closeness. As previously said, Catalan doctors had a particular geographic settlement, which also extended towards Puerto Rico, and a higher tendency to private practice.
There were also differences between the equipment of the Western and Eastern half of the island, as well as a gap of health structures between them. In short, everything made the new 'island physiognomy' less complete than what Moreno Fraginals suggests, also for Army public health. Secondly, the Spanish Army public health was clearly unable of taking on the local structures, although for very opposite reasons.
Regarding Creole doctors, their training, equipment and income level were paradoxically better and higher than what the Army could offer them. Had they taken part in military public health, they should have been given relevant posts, a possibility that Spanish authorities could not permit.
On the contrary, the lack of integration of both Chinese physicians and black healers was due to their systematic marginalisation and exclusion from Cuban society respectively. Just as no colonial troops with Spanish officers and black or Chinese soldiers were created in Cuba, no Health Brigade with Spanish doctors and black or Chinese assistants medical assistants, nurses and auxiliary soldiers was established.
Finally, there were hardly any chances for a possible expansion of Army public health in Cuba, either on the island or overseas. Regarding the former, the measures taken in the brief period , when Milicias blancas were created and Batallones de negros y mulatos restored, had little impact due to their small size and to the absence of.
Their influence on Army public health must have been small. Regarding the latter, the international context in the Caribbean and in the American continent did not help either the Spanish and European expansionism against the young Latin-American republics and the USA. No doubt the lack of integration of non-Spaniards in the military health system was partly linked to this impossible expansion. In fact, the only time when a small number of Creole doctors and assistants were recruited was during the Spanish annexation of Santo Domingo between and Massons, , p.
Likewise, some "emancipated blacks" were recruited in Havana in to boost the colonization of Fernando Poo island in the gulf of Guinea , where they were employed by the local Spanish military units in the creation of a small "facility of acclimatisation and recovery" on the island De Castro, In short, the important direct presence of Spanish Army public health in both Cuba and Puerto Rico ultimately attempted to compensate the general instability of the trans-imperial connection.
The Spanish authorities were always concerned about the risk of Creole doctors organizing independent health structures; therefore causing their exclusion or exile and making the attraction measures such as the expedition to Santo Domingo or the forced introduction of Chinese doctors and African healers to make collaboration against the Spanish authorities as hard as possible. A fragile balance was achieved, but it did not prevent the different Cuban groups to start collaboration during the Ten Years War The open metropolis: Military public health in the Basque Provinces and in the Camp of Gibraltar The unstable imperial articulation of the Spanish Army public health was reflected as much in the peninsula as it was in overseas territories.
In brief, both facts were inseparable. The metropolis was also configured as an open, heterogeneous space, with alternative circulations not fully integrated in the general core. Two particular regions showed most clearly these features, though by opposite reasons: Although the situation of the Basque Provinces was not the only reason why the First Carlist War broke out, no doubt it was one of its main causes. In the field of Army public health, as previously said, the Carlists set up a whole health system of their own, the nucleus of which was located in the so called 'Northern front'.
The war did not end in victory or defeat but in an agreement symbolized by the 'hug of Vergara', which started a period of 'exceptionality' for the Basque Provinces within the Constitutional frame, including the army. Until , most of their traditional legal regime was kept, including among other things the maintenance of their own government institutions Juntas Generales, Diputaciones , and tax and military service exemption Castells, , p. After the war, the Basque participation in the Spanish Army health system decreased.
Military hospitals were slowly closed down, mainly from the s on, except for those of Vitoria and San Sebastian. Parallel to this, the figure of Basque military doctors decreased to a much more modest number than what corresponded to this area in terms of population, both in Spanish and overseas posts. Just a small number of Carlist doctors chose the "assimilation" within the Constitutional military health system after the war Massons, , vol.
Basque doctors mainly chose civil public health or private practice individual or in mutual aid societies. But there were also doctors, medical assistants or auxiliaries who, at the end of the war, chose to exile in France, returning later in some cases to take part in new armed uprisings Massons, , vol.
Finally the war was an essential factor in the first big wave of Basque emigration towards America in the 19th century. Contrasting with this Basque ability of articulating a space and network of their own, for the most part outside the axis and the spaces of the Spanish Army public health, the case of the Camp of Gibraltar represented an opposite case. This county, located near the Rock of Gibraltar and occupied by Great Britain since , comprised around a fourth of Cadiz's province and represented a peculiar formation within the Spanish administrative system.
Its origin dated back to the British conquest of the Rock and was the consequence of a personal decision of King Philip V. This king gathered a strong contingent of troops around Gibraltar with a view to its reoccupation and ordered that its former inhabitants, relocated in the towns of San Roque, Algeciras and Los Barrios, were to be considered as "my city of Gibraltar settled in its camp" Montero, , p.
Even though the General Commander of the Camp, first residing in San Roque and from on in Algeciras, theoretically depended on Cadiz's Military Government, in practice he acted autonomously and depended on the central authorities as if he were a General Captain. With time, he also took on powers for tax-collection and since those of the Civil Governor, thus gathering in his hands both the civil and military power in the area Montero, Despite the widening of the Camp boundaries and the increase of its Governor's powers, its existence was hardly ever recorded in the legislation.
Regarding Army public health, none of the rules that were passed during the Elizabethan period made any reference to the Camp of Gibraltar. Nonetheless, a military hospital "specific of the Camp" functioned in Algeciras with its own director, who acted as health Chief in the area. Just as the general military administration, Army public health in the Camp concentrated some powers of the civil health system, due to the lack of public health or welfare institutions in the area. The de facto existence of the Camp of Gibraltar and of the "personalist" concentration of power by its military authorities reflected the more general fact that a wide area in the south of the peninsula escaped the Army and military public health organization.
But, unlike the Basques, it did it 'from below'. The weak presence of Army structures in Andalucia and Granada was worsened by the British occupation of Gibraltar, which had an attraction effect in competition with the Spanish authorities.
The British occupation of the Rock was not only accepted as irreversible there were no more "sieges" like those of the 18th century , but also likely to increase territorially, as it did in several occasions during this period Cordero, Gibraltar consolidation was reflected in the creation of a health board, first called "the health commissioners" and afterwards the "health council" of Gibraltar, in charge of all the health measures in the Rock.
For all this, the General Commander of the Camp took on also civil health powers as a means to stop the increasing 'impact' of the Rock's measures. Nonetheless, the bigger the size of the Camp and the authority of its military chief, the greater their vulnerability towards Gibraltar influence.
On the other hand, the direct military presence of Great Britain in the Rock was inseparable of the social disorganisation all along Andalusia and Granada throughout this period.
The existence of armed groups outside the Army and the Civil Guard created in reflected the inadequate extension of military structures in this part of the country and made the relatively small troop contingents of the districts of Andalusia and Granada stay in a state of "pseudo-campaign". The location of the Camp of Gibraltar was strategic in the routes of the bandits-smugglers, so one of its main tasks and justifications was the suppression of their activities. Until there was a kind of 'line' of military hospitals following the boundary between the districts of Andalusia and Granada This line started at Cordoba's hospital and followed through the ones in Ecija, Osuna and Medinasidonia, until the one in Algeciras.
All of them must have been justified by the Army's activities against banditry-smuggling. Inside or outside the empire? Army public health in the Philippines Up to this point of our analysis of the imperial configuration of the Spanish Army public health system, the Philippines have not been mentioned.
The reason is that its situation around the middle of the 19th century showed perfectly the weakness of the Spanish imperial organization, though for opposite reasons to the case of Cuba. While the Spanish Antilles had an "excessive" weight within the military health system, the Philippine archipelago had no doubt too little. In formal terms, the development of the Army health organization in this territory was closer to a "colonial model" than anywhere else in the whole Spanish Empire in this period.
However, their extreme modesty limited to a minimum any impact on the peninsular context and even on the archipelago itself, to an extent that it seemed to be more outside than inside the empire.
In the Philippines, Spanish military doctors acted with unity regardless their place of birth. Their own careers before and alter their work in the Philippines reflected a higher level of integration in the imperial frame than the Catalan group in general. However, the scarce number of Army doctors in the Philippines 12 in and 23 in , prevented this dynamics to foster the unity of peninsular and imperial circulations.
The rhythm of circulation of peninsular doctors towards the Philippines was way too slow. The minimum stay period established by law, six years as in Cuba , and the number of Sub-Inspectors from to , the same as in the Spanish Antilles, do not seem to reflect this fact. However, due to the strongly 'unhealthy' conditions for Europeans and to the Spanish projects for expansion in the archipelago, it would have been more logical to organize a more frequent rotation.
Therefore, service in the Philippines was neither a simple step, nor a prolonged settlement, but rather a kind of adventure, with the subsequent damage for the general operation of the military health system. On the other hand, there was hardly any possibility for Philippine Creoles to set up a military health system independent from the Spanish authorities, given their scarce number and their general collaboration with colonial institutions. Other European powers such as Great Britain, France and the Netherlands did not put a threat either, despite the non-rare presence of a number of doctors from those countries in the archipelago.
By contrast, it could be said that Spanish colonial ambitions were at a disadvantage, or had to re-affirm themselves constantly, against those of other local societies in the region. The definition of an "island physiognomy" in the Philippines was very far from being reached in this period, since the Spaniards did not even have their hegemony guaranteed in the archipelago.
Thus, the greatest part of the land and the population were actually out of reach of the Spanish administration. The geographical distribution of the sangleys followed Spaniards, while the Muslim population was concentrated in the South.
Under these circumstances, the Spaniards could not attempt at integrating those groups, but rather had to guarantee their own supremacy against them. This fear was not only due to their great number, but also to their high level of organization and the preservation of their habits and culture. To neutralise them, politics of restrictive immigration and systematic segregation from the administration and institutions were implemented, preventing them from any kind of participation in the army and the military health system.
Traditional Chinese doctors in care of sangleys must have outnumbered Spanish doctors. There must have been frequent contacts with continental China to acquire equipment and drugs. However, since the sangleys used to follow the slight advances of the Spanish army in the archipelago, it does not seem adventurous to think that some of these doctors assisted the soldiers or were allowed to act among the native population with "attraction" purposes, though always without official links to the military health system.
Against this "pacific" firmness towards sangleys, confrontation with Muslims was constant. As part of this general confrontation, the competition of Muslim doctors meant a threat to the supremacy of Spanish medicine, with apparently no contact points as in the case of Chinese doctors.
In both cases, the integration of practitioners, which could have been of great help for the spread of the Spanish military health system, was neither wanted nor feasible. Actually, their presence was so relevant and autonomous that they almost could aspire to compete with that system.
On the other hand, without a clear dominant position in the Philippines, it seemed an utopia to try and expand Army public health to other Spanish legal possessions in the region, such as the Carolinas and Marianas islands, or to undertake new colonial enterprises as it happened with the military expedition to Cochinchina in done in collaboration with France. In this period, the first steps were taken towards the constitution of a colonial army, later known as the 'indigenous army of the Philippines' Massons, , vol.
The huge mortality suffered by the regiments sent from the Peninsula, along with the great difficulty to keep a steady communication the distance from Spain was 24, kilometres and, not yet existing the Suez channel, the trip took some five months were the reasons why native soldiers were called to join the army, generally in those areas where Spanish presence was stronger. We lack precise information about the health care received by these men, but it is not unreasonable that they took their own healers.
When the Health Brigade of the Philippines was created in , all its men were native, except four Spanish sub-officers Massons, , vol. However, the reach of these measures was insignificant regarding the total population, territory and ethnic groups of the archipelago, so speaking about a 'Philippine colonial' army or a 'Philippine colonial' military health system seems quite excessive. According to all these facts, the place of the Philippines district within the context of the imperial military health system was rather secondary with regard to administrative or institutional development.
As previously said, the poor state of military hospitals in the archipelago was registered in a report of the Ministry of State in To expand or to break up. The peninsular Army public health and the War of Africa Despite its internal and international weaknesses, the 19th century Spanish Empire reached a fragile balance which allowed an attempt of expansion of both the metropolitan and colonial spaces.
Contemporary actors did not ignore that such an expansion went along with the inner consolidation of the peninsular and overseas administrative and institutional structures, and some of them considered it as the main actual goal of such policies. The Morocco campaign or War of Africa represented the metropolitan aspect of this imperial effort of expansion and cohesion This conflict took place when Europe seemed to go back to its secular armed conflicts with the Crimea , Italy , Austro-Prussian and finally, Franco-Prussian wars.
In this sense, a war with Morocco was the closest thing Spain could afford itself. Despite the aggressively colonialist rhetoric used to "orientalise" or "barbarise" the Maghrebi country, a hypothetical attack was actually a difficult enterprise, both due to the relatively strong Moroccan army and to the powerful European interests focused on the region.
Regarding external expansion, and specifically for Army public health, the Moroccan campaign meant the strengthening of the Spanish presence in Morocco.
The war also meant a stimulus for Spanish enclaves. The camps of Ceuta and Melilla widened, at least legally. Ceuta stopped depending on the Andalusia district and became the General Captaincy of Africa, with its own health chief. In the end, the outcome was much less than expected, provided the high sanitary expenses of the campaign and the nearly hundred military doctors who participated in it Great Britain's opposition to the occupation of Tangier was decisive in this sense.
France could not oppose to it directly, although in the same year it had sent a military expedition to the East of Morocco from the Algerian Oranais. But it is also true that Morocco's initiatives helped reducing Spanish success. In the diplomatic field, the Sultan managed European rivalries for the benefit of the country's sovereignty.
In this period, a number of Moroccan medicine students were sent to the military medicine schools in Istanbul and Cairo to get trained and later on to work in the new military units called askar. During the War of Africa, Morocco got British technical help from Gibraltar, maybe also for public health issues. In the following years, a certain number of the men sent to the Rock for military education were trained as "medics" Pennell, Inside the peninsula, the degree of unity of the Spanish Army public health system became higher than usual.
For instance, over 30 Catalan doctors were distributed quite homogenously all through the four divisions of the army of operations. The participation of voluntaris and civil doctors meant that the "liberal" or "mesocratic" sector of Catalan society, which had only involved itself in the creation of Milicias Provinciales and Cuerpos Francos in short periods the most recent one, in , was now significantly articulated with the army.
Besides, the War of Africa came along with a number of administrative and institutional developmental actions of the peninsular military health system. In the Central Store of medical equipment was founded in Madrid, in order to store and distribute first-aid kits, instruments or means of transport for the wounded of all districts.
In that same year, the first 'health group' was set up in Ceuta, which, despite being dissolved at the end of the war, provided a precedent for Health Brigades created in the following years.
However, neither the School of military medicine, nor the drug laboratory were finally created in this period, nor doctors achieved the technical control of health issues against military chiefs. Montrae holland dating. Dating noen med alvorlig ocd hos barn. Flott online dating fraser. Dating geografi kart til etiketten. Andersenove bajke online dating.
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