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Proper ads for rich and also works in abuja nigerian free wordpress themes and give out. But if certain allies vehemently reject redeployment and others push ahead for it, then that would be fatal for NATO — and a feast for Putin. If the coming months bring no surprising diplomatic breakthroughs, the Europeans will need to prepare for turbulent years. Even in East Asia an arms race poses a threat. Under no circumstances would South Korea allow their cautious thaw in bilateral relations with the North be botched by the placement of new missiles.

Australia and the Philippines would isolate themselves in the region in the event of deployment. For them, deployment brings no euphoria. These countries have good reason to be sceptical.

For even if Japan, perhaps along with other countries in the region, agreed to deployment, that would be primarily to their own disadvantage, as China would inevitably be compelled to extend any military conflict with the US to the territories of those nations. In addition, in a crisis scenario, it would be highly difficult for US military to reliably distinguish between nuclear and non-nuclear Chinese targets. This is because they increase the risk of vertical escalation: More pressure on Moscow?

The development of new American INF weapons ultimately depends the on question of their deployment. But such an approach entails risks. Individual countries such as Poland, the United Kingdom or Japan could break away. Washington could exert military and economic pressure. In addition, America's allies would turn against their protector instead of repudiating Russian and Chinese misconduct.

This is particularly important, as it will be necessary to be tougher instead of more lenient, on Russia especially. Public appeals to Moscow to revert to the treaty will not be enough. Even a new arms control regime possibly involving third states, as rightly demanded by the German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, is difficult to imagine without pressure on Moscow.

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